Presenter Information

Keng Liang, Ted CHENG (鄭亘良)

Location

嶺南大學林柄炎樓地下MBG07 / Main Building MBG07, Lingnan University

Start Date

24-5-2014 11:30 AM

End Date

24-5-2014 12:00 PM

Description

這篇文章,我要處理的問題是,近年台灣知識界面對「中國因素」所提出的《自由人宣言》(即建立在落實主權確立下的憲政民主,以保障人權作為兩岸協商的架構)的可能侷限與問題。這套以普世價值為基礎的新的兩岸關係框架,主要建立在兩個要素:一是確立國家主權為民主體制的前提,二同時將國家主權延伸至普世價值的人民主權(體現在公民社會),作為兩岸關係對話的基礎。面對台灣過去本土認同與國族統獨論述對立逐漸失效、以及因應「中國因素」兩岸局勢變化下民進黨亟欲發展新的本土論述的脈絡,這套論述的提出,試圖回應過去本土論述的問題與不足,嘗試將建立在台灣本土身分認同的民主想像,轉向至建立在現代國家主權認可的普世價值與公民社會實踐。然而,這套以現代國家主權為前提的普世民主觀,以他者化香港成為台灣未來的反面例子,恰恰形成建構台灣自身相對於中國的民主想像,反而取消了其欲超越、打開的第三種、民主的中國想像。

The notion "China Factor" in Taiwan, emerging as one of the causes in the anti-media monopoly movement in 2012, refers to a cross-strait media monopoly impeding the press freedom and the freedom of speech. At the same time, liberalist intellectuals further defined “China Factor” as the approaching political impact of “Cross-strait politician and capitalist alliance” on Taiwan’s democracy, and proposed the idea of “a third way of imagining China” beyond nationalist independence of Taiwan and reunification with China (Wu 2012). “Freeman Manifesto” was also proposed as a new political cross-strait framework. However, as a political signifier rather than a conceptual analytic term, Taiwan’s “China Factor” reproduces Taiwan’s imaginary democracy vis-à-vis China through negation of Hong Kong and displaces the existing cause for the nationalist independence with the popular sovereignty. With its emphasis on importance of sovereignty as the essential way to Taiwan’s democracy in relation to China, the third way of imagining China—namely the development of civil society and the proposal of “freeman” spirit—may not be as promising as it hopes to be, but lead us once again to face the same predicament that it tries to go beyond: independence and reunification.

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鄭亘良 (2014,5月)。台灣「中國因素」: 民主及其不滿 = Taiwan's "China Factor" : democracy and its discontent。發表於新自由主義下的新道德國際研討會,嶺南大學,香港。

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May 24th, 11:30 AM May 24th, 12:00 PM

台灣「中國因素」: 民主及其不滿 = Taiwan's "China Factor" : democracy and its discontent

嶺南大學林柄炎樓地下MBG07 / Main Building MBG07, Lingnan University

這篇文章,我要處理的問題是,近年台灣知識界面對「中國因素」所提出的《自由人宣言》(即建立在落實主權確立下的憲政民主,以保障人權作為兩岸協商的架構)的可能侷限與問題。這套以普世價值為基礎的新的兩岸關係框架,主要建立在兩個要素:一是確立國家主權為民主體制的前提,二同時將國家主權延伸至普世價值的人民主權(體現在公民社會),作為兩岸關係對話的基礎。面對台灣過去本土認同與國族統獨論述對立逐漸失效、以及因應「中國因素」兩岸局勢變化下民進黨亟欲發展新的本土論述的脈絡,這套論述的提出,試圖回應過去本土論述的問題與不足,嘗試將建立在台灣本土身分認同的民主想像,轉向至建立在現代國家主權認可的普世價值與公民社會實踐。然而,這套以現代國家主權為前提的普世民主觀,以他者化香港成為台灣未來的反面例子,恰恰形成建構台灣自身相對於中國的民主想像,反而取消了其欲超越、打開的第三種、民主的中國想像。

The notion "China Factor" in Taiwan, emerging as one of the causes in the anti-media monopoly movement in 2012, refers to a cross-strait media monopoly impeding the press freedom and the freedom of speech. At the same time, liberalist intellectuals further defined “China Factor” as the approaching political impact of “Cross-strait politician and capitalist alliance” on Taiwan’s democracy, and proposed the idea of “a third way of imagining China” beyond nationalist independence of Taiwan and reunification with China (Wu 2012). “Freeman Manifesto” was also proposed as a new political cross-strait framework. However, as a political signifier rather than a conceptual analytic term, Taiwan’s “China Factor” reproduces Taiwan’s imaginary democracy vis-à-vis China through negation of Hong Kong and displaces the existing cause for the nationalist independence with the popular sovereignty. With its emphasis on importance of sovereignty as the essential way to Taiwan’s democracy in relation to China, the third way of imagining China—namely the development of civil society and the proposal of “freeman” spirit—may not be as promising as it hopes to be, but lead us once again to face the same predicament that it tries to go beyond: independence and reunification.